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China’s AI Rollout Has No Off Switch

Beijing may talk about safety, but its model of AI diffusion is made to go rogue.

China’s AI Rollout Has No Off Switch

China's rapid rollout of artificial intelligence (AI) technology has no visible control mechanism, which could lead to unforeseen consequences. In 1957, the United States was driven by the fear of falling behind the Soviet Union in the arms race and allocated significant resources to develop and deploy intercontinental nuclear missiles.

Similarly, Washington's approach to AI centers on maintaining a lead over China by focusing on technological advancements, such as frontier models. However, this strategy may be flawed, as it might not accurately reflect China's progress in AI.

China's AI strategy differs significantly from the U.S. approach. Instead of concentrating on the production of cutting-edge models, Beijing prioritizes embedding AI into various sectors of the economy and using it as a means to achieve broader objectives. In 2025, China unveiled its "AI Plus" action plan, which echoes the 2015 "Internet Plus" plan, demonstrating the government's intent to integrate AI across multiple domains.

China's AI plan consists of three main pillars. The first pillar involves gathering industrial data, recognizing that data is a crucial resource for AI development. By utilizing data from factories, logistics networks, and smart cities, China aims to harness AI at scale through small-scale, specialized models that operate outside the frontier.

The second pillar focuses on developing industrial applications for AI, with the goal of deploying specialized models and agents within Chinese industries. The third pillar entails the development of embodied AI, specifically physical robots controlled by AI models. By 2027, China aims to have 1,000 industrial AI agents, 500 application scenarios, and 1,000 showcase firms, emphasizing widespread adoption rather than achieving top-notch benchmarks.

Written by urgent.news from Foreign Policy's reporting — not their text. Machine-written — may contain errors; check the original before relying on it.

Read the original at foreignpolicy.com →

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