Why MAGA Went Gaga for Putin

In my new book, "How Russia Won: Donald Trump, Vladimir Putin, and the Fight for America" (HarperCollins), I delve into how Russia has orchestrated numerous influence and disinformation campaigns against U.S. elections since 2016, often supporting President Trump. This book aims to restore the Trump-Russia narrative amidst Trump's decade-long effort to label it a "hoax."

Throughout, Putin has been engaged in a covert war with the United States and the West, and Trump along with his associates have unilaterally stepped aside. Now, indications suggest Moscow plans to meddle in the upcoming midterms to bolster Trump. This excerpt, sourced from Chapter 14 ("Useful Idiots") in my newsletter "Our Land," reveals how MAGA and many on the right began to appreciate Putin, a ruthless and violent dictator and war criminal. This is a critical shift within the conservative movement that has not received enough recognition.

Tucker Carlson's on-air tirade on February 22, 2022, highlighted this change. Earlier, President Biden had disclosed intelligence suggesting Putin's intentions to invade Ukraine. Carlson was incensed by the demonization of Putin, repeating his mantra that "anything less than hatred for Putin is treason." Many Americans have unquestioningly adhered to this directive, now ardently hating Putin.

This sentiment has become the cornerstone of American foreign policy, with the primary focus of discussion. This hatred of Putin could potentially draw the United States into a conflict in Eastern Europe. Why does this hatred exist? Has Putin ever labeled me a racist? Has he threatened to terminate my job for disagreeing with him?

Has he imposed unemployment in my town? Has he orchestrated a global pandemic that wrecked my business and kept me indoors for two years? Is he promoting racial discrimination? Is he distributing fentanyl? Is he intent on eliminating Christianity? Does he consume dogs? These are valid questions. The response to all of them is a resounding no. So, why does the permanent Washington harbor animosity towards Putin?

Carlson dismissed the Russia-Ukraine conflict as a mere "border dispute," a stance not surprising. During Trump's impeachment in 2019, Carlson expressed, "Why should I care about what's transpiring in the Ukraine-Russia conflict? And I say this seriously. Why should I advocate for Russia? Which I do." Carlson reinforced his pro-Putin stance by opposing the sanctions imposed by the United States on Russia following its annexation of Crimea.

He asserted, "I believe we should support Russia if we must choose between Russia and Ukraine." This pro-Putin fervor was also tied to the Trump-Russia scandal. Carlson questioned journalists who had challenged the Ukraine-did-it theory regarding the 2016 election, asserting, "Putin, despite his flaws, does not harbor hatred towards America as many of these individuals do."

He concluded, "Russia did not infiltrate our democracy. The entire narrative was a fabricated talking point, an absurd claim, invented by the Hillary Clinton campaign around November 9, 2016, to explain their unforeseen loss in the presidential election." Carlson had employed Russia denialism to justify his support for Putin. Now, with Putin poised to launch a full-scale war against Ukraine to acquire territory and thwart his neighbor's NATO membership, Carlson aligned himself with the Russian dictator.

His remarks encapsulated the profound transformation that had taken place in the conservative movement in recent years. During the Cold War, a fundamental principle of Republicans and conservatives was opposition to the Soviet Union. The GOP had consistently campaigned against the "Evil Empire." Ronald Reagan, in 1983, denounced the Soviet Union as "the Evil Empire."

For decades, hawkish Republicans dominated the party. In 2012, GOP presidential candidate Mitt Romney called Russia America's "number one geopolitical foe." Following Trump's impeachment for allegedly colluding with Russia's attack on the 2016 election, his supporters began to view Putin, the adversary of their political opponents, as, if not a friend, at least not an enemy.

However, Trump—and America's culture wars—had altered this narrative. During his 2016 campaign, Trump unabashedly displayed his admiration for Putin, lauding the Russian as "strong" and praising him for speaking well of Trump. Many of Trump's followers were swept along. After Trump faced accusations of colluding with Russia's attack on the 2016 election—accusations he and his propagandists portrayed as the delusions of Democrats, the media, and the Deep State—his supporters began to perceive Putin, the enemy of their political adversaries, as, if not a friend, then at least not an enemy.

After all, if Putin was the Democrats' boogeyman, he couldn't be entirely malevolent. Other factors contributed to the Right's embrace of Putin. The conservative movement had traditionally been a haven for America First isolationists, who now viewed (as did far-left anti-interventionists) assaults on Putin as provocations that could lead to U.S. involvement in an overseas conflict.

Some within this group considered the expansion of NATO towards Russia and attacks on Putin as the machinations of imperialists and neoconservative hawks seeking war and the expansion of U.S. hegemony. Additionally, Putin's resolute stance against gay and transgender rights, his purported endorsement of authoritarianism, and his vehement opposition to democracy have contributed to the Right's newfound admiration for Putin.