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The mirror of our discontent: Is our electorate the root cause?

By a Concerned Aficionado In my article “Whatever on earth happened to meritocracy, pragmatism and honesty in Sri Lanka?” published in The Island on 08 September 2026, I examined the total and systematic decay of our public institutions, the collapse of administrative rigour, as well as the ubiquitous and universal spread of corruption. The response […]

In my article "Whatever on earth happened to meritocracy, pragmatism and honesty in Sri Lanka?" published in The Island on 08 September 2026, the author delved into the utter decay of public institutions, the collapse of administrative rigor, and the rampant corruption that plagued the nation. While the article garnered widespread attention, one message from a close friend caught the author off guard.

The friend acknowledged the importance of the piece but challenged the assumption that only politicians were to blame. The friend argued that voters were responsible for electing the politicians they deserved.

The author recognized the friend's insight, recognizing that the article could be seen as a follow-up to the initial piece. However, the author chose to present this as an addendum to reinforce the original message. It is tempting to direct our anger towards the politicians in power, as they are often the most visible targets of discontent.

They are known for their corruption, incompetence, disregard for the rule of law, and insatiable appetite for power. Yet, this approach overlooks a crucial aspect of democratic governance.

Politicians do not suddenly materialize or seize power without cause. They are elected by the people, chosen through ballots, sustained by public approval, and sometimes protected by the electorate's silence. Sri Lanka has experienced three-quarters of a century of turmoil, not merely due to poor leadership but because the electorate has consistently rewarded short-sightedness, bigotry, and criminality.

The author explores the legacy of 1956, the year identity politics took precedence over institutional competence. During this critical juncture, a bargain was struck between the ruling establishment and the majority Sinhalese community. In exchange for electoral victory, the Sinhalese were promised language-based dominance in public sector jobs, university admissions, and state resources.

This appeal to tribal prejudice over merit led to a system that prioritized ethnicity over capability, with disastrous long-term consequences.

The author argues that replacing meritocracy with communal quotas and political favoritism systematically dismantled the administrative civil service, alienated talented minorities, and set the stage for the devastating civil war that followed. Despite these catastrophic outcomes, voters repeatedly chose political platforms that promised dominance over neighboring countries rather than progress and development for their children.

The author also examines the economic delusion that emerged in the 1970s, fueled by election promises of "free rice from the moon." Voters enthusiastically embraced state-controlled redistribution, confiscation of private enterprise, and unearned benefits. Socialism in Sri Lanka was more about taking from one group to give to another, starving the state of the capital needed for modernization and development.

The electorate demanded subsidies for fuel, electricity, food, and employment, oblivious to the financial implications. When sensible reforms were attempted, voters swiftly turned against them in favor of firebrands promising cheap bread and risk-free state jobs.

The moral bankruptcy of the electoral process is perhaps the most damning evidence of the electorate's folly. In a healthy democracy, individuals with criminal records, histories of violence, or predatory behavior would be disqualified from public life. However, in Sri Lanka, such credentials often seem to be electoral assets. Voters have elected individuals convicted of murder, returned power to figures implicated in extortion, assault, rape, and child abuse, and cheered despicable thugs who entered parliament to serve their own interests rather than the nation's.

The author concludes that until the electorate confronts the stupidity, greed, and moral complacency within itself, no political shift will be able to save Sri Lanka. Until we hold up the mirror and recognize the role we play in electing those who lead us astray, we will continue to suffer from avoidable disasters and a lack of progress.

Written by urgent.news from The Island Sri Lanka's reporting — not their text. Machine-written — may contain errors; check the original before relying on it.

Read the original at island.lk →

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