Beyond yes or no: Why Indigenous consent to resource projects is so complex
The issue of whether Indigenous communities support or oppose energy or infrastructure projects is increasingly making headlines, both in Canada and elsewhere. A case study from the Philippines exemplifies the complex realities on the ground, well beyond a binary yes-or-no divide.
The growing discussion surrounding whether Indigenous communities support or oppose energy and infrastructure projects transcends a simple yes or no answer, as exemplified by a case study from the Philippines. In Quebec, large dams and energy projects have entrenched conflicts within Indigenous communities. Across Canada, Indigenous groups resist mining and oil and gas sector projects, alleging that governments and companies fail to fulfill consultation obligations and negotiate bilaterally instead of collectively.
Despite these oppositions, some Indigenous communities consent to projects on their ancestral lands, which hold immense cultural, territorial, and economic significance. Understanding this complexity is crucial to comprehending current debates.
As a Ph.D. student in international business and a researcher, the author's work focuses on resistance to mining extractivism amidst the global energy transition. In collaboration with scholars Dominique Caouette and Dalia Aktouf, the author examined the case of Agusan del Norte province in the Philippines. The region, home to five Indigenous clans, saw Agata Mining Ventures Inc. exploit its nickel resources.
Interviews with 40 community members over several months revealed the intricate dynamics of Indigenous political agency. These communities are not uniform, and their responses to mining projects are influenced by internal tensions, power dynamics, compromises, and ambivalent engagements.
The Philippines' history of colonization and marginalization, which began with Spanish rule in the 16th century, has left Indigenous peoples in a state of dispossession, political and economic marginalization, and ongoing violence. The Indigenous Peoples' Rights Act of 1997 recognized their status as original inhabitants but also embedded them within a capitalist development model and state governance structures, limiting their autonomy.
This historical context informs Indigenous communities' nuanced perspectives on mining projects and their expectations for recognition.
For many Indigenous communities, ancestral territories are not just legal entities but essential components of their social, cultural, and political existence. They provide resources such as medicinal plants and food, and losing these lands is perceived as a profound loss. The state's failure to acknowledge ancestral territories represents a multifaceted injustice that undermines these communities' social, cultural, and political identities.
Despite this, Indigenous communities recognize mining as one of the few arenas where their land rights are formally acknowledged. Mining companies are obligated to obtain Free, Prior, and Informed Consent (FPIC), but this recognition remains limited and asymmetrical, offering participation without dismantling existing power structures.
The legal recognition of ancestral lands coincided with the rise of mining activities in Agusan del Norte. Formal environmental and social impact assessments involved clan consultations, integrating local knowledge into agreements with companies and authorities. Several community leaders highlighted that mining's arrival has sparked a revival of traditional practices and cultural identity.
As one fisherman articulated, the mine has inadvertently contributed to the reemergence of their traditions. This duality of recognition—emerging alongside mining activities—has allowed Indigenous communities to reclaim some elements of their cultural heritage while navigating a complex, often contradictory landscape.
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