DA's Election Manifesto: Hope or Hollow Promises for the Working Class?

On 8 August 2026, the Democratic Alliance unveiled its local government election manifesto, declaring its intention to "get South Africa working for all". The DA's core promises mirror those of the previous ANC manifesto, including a corruption-free administration, reliable services, healthier communities and economic development. However, the manifesto is devoid of mentions of land, housing, food security and gender equity.

The credibility of the DA's promises must be weighed against its track record in governed municipalities. The party claims a clean and efficient administration, yet its governance style is characterised by fiscal conservatism, privatization, outsourcing, deregulation and reliance on private enterprises. Such policies have resulted in neglect in underprivileged areas, affecting resource allocation, housing delivery, municipal tariffs, infrastructure investment and labour relations.

The DA controlled Tshwane from 2016 to late 2024, but the region has faced service delivery disputes, financial strain and infrastructure challenges. Residents have reported varied response times for municipal services, with affluent suburbs receiving quicker resolutions. The municipality has struggled financially, with Eskom debt soaring and a reduced capital budget, leading to poorly maintained infrastructure and escalating costs.

The DA has applauded its approach to appointing competent officials based on merit, yet instances like the appointment of Marietha Aucamp (chief of staff) and Stefan de Villiers (senior executive) despite lacking necessary qualifications cast doubt on this claim. The DA's stance on resource allocation in the Western Cape echoes these concerns. The Cape Town municipality, governed by the DA since 2006, suffers from a housing deficit of over 600,000 households and faces constant legal battles over its housing policies.

The party champions fiscal discipline, yet Cape Town has witnessed significant hikes in electricity, water, refuse and property rates. While a wealthy household can cope with rate increases, low-income households already struggle to meet basic needs like food and transport. Basic services should not be profit-driven, yet the DA insists on treating them as such.

The DA pledges to enhance safety by decentralizing policing, yet the Western Cape grapples with a severe gang violence problem, and the province ranks among the worst in South Africa for murders. Three out of the five police stations with the highest murder rates are in Cape Town. In the first quarter of 2026, the Western Cape recorded 983 murders. The DA's safety strategy, while well-intentioned, has not proven effective.

The DA claims it will revitalize neglected public spaces in cities and towns. However, some beaches in DA-controlled areas require payment to access, with Cape of Good Hope entry fees ranging from R110 for South African adults to R55 for children. Public spaces that should be freely accessible are now commodified, pricing the poor out of these essential areas.

Privatization, another cornerstone of the DA's approach, has reportedly weakened municipal administrations, as seen in the case of George, where outsourcing essential services enriched consultants rather than fostering in-house expertise. The party has advocated for privatizing electricity generation and allowing private firms to provide municipal services, claiming it would resolve service delivery failures.

However, the DA's own governance in George demonstrates that privatization leads to public resource transfers to private contractors, exacerbating service delivery issues for the working class while enriching private profits.