Kepada makcik tuduh penyokong PH tak pandai mengucap

A video surfaced showing a Perikatan Nasional (PN) supporter, a woman from the opposition Pakatan Harapan (PH), questioning whether a PH supporter could recite the two Shahada, the fundamental Islamic creed. The video was recorded during the peak of the PRN Negeri Sembilan campaign. The Shahada is a symbolic gesture of one's Islamic faith, a crucial pillar for Muslims.

From this, the debate on disbelief and faith intensified, becoming the core focus of the PN and PAS campaign to reject DAP and PH. Members of the PH must be rejected as they are supported by DAP, an infidel party. Ironically, PAS desperately needs the votes of non-believers to gain power. After the 2015 PRU, PAS President Hadi Awang admitted that one of PAS's weaknesses was still failing to attract the support of non-believers.

In PRU15 and PRN 2023 (as well as the previous PRN in Negeri Sembilan), PAS received unprecedented support, increasing by 140%, from 18 seats in PRU14 to 43 seats in PRU15. In PRN elections across six states in 2023, PAS achieved an 83% victory, securing the highest number of state assembly seats (105) compared to other parties.

This success for PAS throughout its 71-year history is attributed to its collaboration within the PN coalition. PAS is expected to gain more power in upcoming PRN elections and become the main force after the next PRU. In essence, PAS is heading towards a dominant position without the support of the people, leading to potential control of Malaysia.

If PAS eventually rules the nation after winning over the non-believers, how would the envisioned Islamic state of PAS look like? A University of Malaya sociology student paper, later published as "Towards the Implementation of Islamic Law in Malaysia: Problems and Solutions" (1986), addresses this question. Who is Abu Bakar Abdullah?

He is a friend of PAS leader Hadi, who co-founded the Institute of Social Research in 1977 with Abu Bakar Chik. He has served as PAS Kuala Nerus Deputy Secretary General and Chairman of the DUN Tepoh Action Committee. Between 1986 and 1991, he was elected as a PAS Youth Council member and chairman of the Tunas Islam Orphanage. From 1986 to 1991, he was elected as a PAS Central Office member and chairman of the PASTI Orphanage.

During his leadership, PASTI established a network of Islamic schools with its own textbooks. In 1999, Abu Bakar was appointed as a member of the Terengganu State Council, serving on the Social Welfare and Health Council. His book, "Towards the Implementation of Islamic Law in Malaysia: Problems and Solutions," outlines how PAS would rule the nation once it gains power.

Abu Bakar explains the definition and status of non-Muslims in Malaysia as follows: "Non-Muslims living in Malaysia are mostly infidels, such as followers of Buddhism, Hinduism, and Animism. Some are Christians. Their religious status cannot be precisely determined, whether they are dhimmis, musta'mins, or harbis. A Terengganu mufti once issued a fatwa declaring them dhimmis, while a Kelantan mufti stated they were not harbi.

However, this fatwa may be inaccurate, as determining non-Muslims as dhimmis, musta'mins, or harbis requires Malaysia to be an Islamic state." For groups that oppose the idea of an Islamic state, citing Malaysia as a multi-religious country, Abu Bakar quotes a conservative scholar: "According to Afif Abd al-Fatah Tabarah, non-Muslims in Malaysia have a negative attitude towards Islamic law and do not want it to be implemented because they fear it would revive the glory of Islam and limit their religious freedom."

Both views suggest that if Abu Bakar's aspirations were to become a reality, high-ranking government positions would require holders to be Muslims. Non-Muslims could only hold "Wazir al-Tanfiz" positions, which are administrative roles implementing established Islamic principles. Thirdly, Abu Bakar proposes revising Article 47 of the Constitution, which outlines eligibility criteria for selecting and appointing representatives, to require Malaysians to be Muslims, literate in national administration, and possess integrity.

Lastly, he argues that if his proposal is implemented, non-Muslims would have no representation in the Dewan Rakyat, the lower house of Malaysia's Parliament.